Why Racism Against Northeasterners Refuses to Go Away
A group of five men brutally assaulted a young MBA student from Tripura in Uttarakhand. After battling for life for nearly two weeks in a hospital, he succumbed to his injuries (Read here). As the news spread on social media, the assault was rightly condemned by many, including the Chief Ministers of the Northeastern states, the Leader of the Opposition in the Lok Sabha, student organisations, and ordinary citizens. Yet, as necessary as this outrage is, it must also be accompanied by a sobering recognition. This racial attack was not an aberration.
Persistence of
Racism
Racist violence
against people from Northeast India in Indian cities has a long history. Such incidents have been reported since at least the
1980s and have become more visible as migration from the region has increased following economic liberalization. The early 2010s were particularly revealing.
In August 2012, rumours of impending attacks triggered a mass exodus of
Northeastern migrants from cities such as Bengaluru and Pune. Two years later,
in Delhi, a 19-year-old student from Arunachal Pradesh, Nido Tania, was beaten
to death for something as trivial as his hairstyle. His murder sparked
widespread protests and forced a rare public conversation on racism in India.
Yet, it did not mark an end. During the COVID-19 pandemic, people from the
Northeast were routinely abused and mocked as “corona,” exposing how fragile
and superficial that conversation had been.
If racism has
persisted for decades, what sustains it? During my PhD fieldwork, many
respondents, including police officers, social activists, lawyers, and
community leaders, pointed to cultural ignorance as the primary explanation. In
response, both government agencies and Northeastern communities have invested
heavily in cultural outreach, with the stated aim of bridging a perceived
cultural gap.
Have these
efforts worked? The answer is complicated. Some scholars distinguish between
what may be called "footnote racism" and "front-page racism". Footnote racism
refers to everyday practices such as stereotyping, slurs, and casual
name-calling that often go unnoticed or unreported. Front-page racism refers to
more extreme and violent acts, such as physical assault and murder, which force
their way into public attention.
A related
distinction can be drawn between institutional and street-level racism.
Institutional racism operates in relatively structured spaces such as
universities, workplaces, and police stations, where formal rules and
accountability mechanisms exist. Street-level racism unfolds in anonymous
public spaces where people encounter strangers with little restraint or
consequence. Awareness programs and sensitization efforts have had limited
success in institutional settings. On the streets, however, they have largely
failed. It is only when racism escalates into front-page violence, as in the
killing of Anjel Chakma, that the wider public is jolted into acknowledging its
persistence.
Structures and
Stereotypes
It is often argued that racism against Northeasterners occurs because
they are misidentified as “foreigners.” Anjel Chakma’s last words—“I am
Indian”—painfully reflect the power of this assumption. Yet this explanation is
inadequate. People from the Northeast are subjected to racism, particularly in
its most brutal and visible forms, not primarily because they are mistaken for
foreigners, but because they are correctly identified as Northeasterners—and
thus as a particular kind of Indian. In mainland cities, they are marked as
“outsiders.” This is not to deny that they are also
misidentified as foreigners in many contexts. However, racially motivated
physical assaults against actual foreigners are
too costly, which makes their frequency relatively limited.
By contrast, when
landlords charge higher rents or vendors demand extra money from a Northeasterner, they do so not out
of confusion but knowingly. These acts are based on knowing who the person is
and not mistaking them for someone else.
This logic closely resembles violence against
religious minorities or lower castes, who are targeted precisely because they
are identified as such. This is not to suggest that identification
automatically produces discrimination, but most racist perceptions and practices
are structured around this act of marking. Further, when Northeasterners are
called “Chinese” or “Nepalese,” they are not being misidentified in any
innocent sense. These terms function as slurs. Much like caste names used
against Dalits and other lower castes, their purpose is not description but
degradation.
At the heart of
this problem lies the power of cultural stereotypes produced within the
structural framework of Indian society. These are not merely personal
prejudices but socially shared ways of seeing that shape how people interpret
the world around them. By simplifying social complexity, stereotypes provide
ready-made categories that guide everyday judgment and behaviour. People from
Northeast India are especially vulnerable to this process because the region
sits at the intersection of multiple social structures, such as tribe and
caste, physical appearance, language, food habits, and everyday cultural
practices that do not easily fit dominant "mainland" norms. Therefore, they are
routinely subjected to moral and social policing, and racial discrimination,
both subtle and violent.
Limits of Public
Policy
Recognising the
scale of the problem, the Ministry of Home Affairs constituted a twelve-member
committee in 2014 under the chairmanship of M. P. Bezbaruah to examine the
challenges faced by people from the Northeast in major cities. The committee
proposed interventions at two interconnected levels. At the national level, it
recommended increasing public awareness of the Northeast by enhancing its
visibility in mainstream media, incorporating substantial content on the region
in school textbooks and university curricula, naming public spaces after
prominent Northeastern figures, promoting employment opportunities, and
supporting sports, tourism, and cultural production, including film-making in
the region.
At the
metropolitan level, particularly in Delhi, which remains the primary
destination for migrants from the Northeast, the report proposed a range of
institutional and cultural measures. These included establishing a dedicated
Northeast Centre in the capital, organising annual Northeast cultural
festivals, strengthening Northeast student societies on university campuses,
improving policing and legal support through mechanisms such as the Special
Police Unit for the North Eastern Region, and encouraging private-sector
participation in employment, safety, and cultural initiatives. These measures
aimed not only to address immediate concerns of safety and discrimination but
also to reshape how the Northeast is represented within the national
imagination.
However, despite
being one of the most comprehensive governmental efforts to address racism
against Northeastern communities, the report also reveals its own limitations.
Racism is framed largely as a problem of ignorance and cultural
misunderstanding, based on the assumption that greater visibility and
representation will automatically lead to social acceptance. It did not examine
the social structure that produces racism. Equally troubling is the gap between
recommendation and implementation. Many recommendations have been adopted only
partially or in a symbolic manner. While the Special Police Unit for the North
Eastern Region exists in the national capital, its reach and effectiveness
remain limited. More importantly, the long-standing demand for a specific law
to address racial discrimination has not materialised. Existing provisions
under the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita remain inadequate to address racism as a
structural and everyday reality.
If racism against
Northeasterners is to be addressed meaningfully, it cannot be reduced to a
problem of cultural unfamiliarity alone. It requires confronting the unequal
social order within which stereotypes acquire their power and within which
violence continues to recur with disturbing regularity.

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